Wednesday, April 11, 2012

PENYELEWENGAN PENGAMAL PERUBATAN

OLEH; Ustaz Ismail Kamus





1.






TUJUAN

1.1. Penjelasan berhubung dengan penyelewengan pengamal perubatan ini disediakan
untuk dijadikan panduan kepada umat Islam khususnya mereka yang terlibat
dengan amalan perubatan tradisional supaya terhindar dari amalan yang
bertentangan dengan aqidah, syariat dan akhlak Islam yang sebenar.

2. PENDAHULUAN

2.1. Islam amat menitikberatkan soal-soal aqidah, syariah dan akhlak. Segala amalan
dan kepercayaan yang tidak berdasarkan kepada sumber-sumber asal Al-Quran,
Hadith, Ijmak dan Qias adalah ditolak. Dalam urusan perubatan kepada pesakit,
satu perkara harus diingat oleh semua pihak, bahawa hanya Allah sahaja berkuasa
mutlak menentukan sesuatu dan menjadikannya. Ini termasuklah sakit dan
sembuh adalah hak-Nya, manusia hanyalah disuruh berusaha, berikhtiar dan
berdoa. Dalam hubungan ini, umat Islam adalah dikehendaki menjauhi
kepercayaan-kepercayaan dan amalan-amalan tradisi tertentu yang sedikit
sebanyak ada hubungkaitnya dengan pengaruh daripada fahaman anamisme,
dinamisme, Hindu dan lain-lain.

2.2. Penjelasan ini perlu dijadikan asas dan panduan supaya dapat mengelakkan diri
daripada penyelewengan dalam aqidah dan syariat Islam. Allah sw.t. berfirman:


   


Maksudnya:
“Dan janganlah engkau (wahai Muhammad) menyembah atau memuja yang lain
daripada Allah, yang tidak dapat mendatangkan manfaat kepadamu dan juga tidak
dapat mendatangkan mudarat kepadamu. Oleh itu, sekiranya engkau mengerjakan
yang demikian, maka pada saat itu menjadilah engkau daripada orang-orang yang
berlaku zalim (terhadap diri sendiri dengan perbuatan syirik itu)”.
(Surah Yunus: 106)

Di samping itu Islam tidak membenarkan umatnya menggunakan sihir, kerana
Rasulullah s.a.w. bersabda:

عن أبي هريرة عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم : اجتنبوا السبع
الموبقات قالوا يا رسول الله وما هن قال الشرك بالله والسحر
وقتل النفس التي حرم الله إلا بالحق وأآل الربا وأآل مال اليتيم
والتولى يوم الزحف وقذف المحصنات المؤمنات الغافلات.
(رواه البخاري)

Maksudnya:
“Jauhilah tujuh perkara yang merosakkan”. Para sahabat bertanya, “apakah
tujuh perkara itu?” Baginda menjawab: “menyengutukan Allah, sihir, membunuh
orang tanpa hak, makan riba, makan harta anak yatim, lari dari medan perang
dan menuduh perempuan baik melakukan maksiat terkutuk”.
(Hadith riwayat al-Bukhari, Kitab Sahih al-Bukhari, Kitabul Hudud, Bab 44
m.s.33).

Selain itu Rasulullah s.a.w. bersabda:
قال أبو الزبير وسمعت جابر بن عبد الله يقول لدغت رجلا منا
عقراب. ونحن حلوس مع رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، فقال
رجل : يا رسول الله! أرقي؟ قال من استطاع أن ينفع أخاه
فليفعل.
(رواه مسلم)

Maksudnya:
“Berkata Abu Zubair, aku dengar Jabir bin Abdullah berkata, seorang lelaki
daripada kami telah disengat kala jengking. Ketika itu kami duduk bersama
Rasulullah s.a.w. Maka berkata seorang lelaki wahai Rasulullah! Bolehkah aku
jampi? Baginda bersabda “Barangsiapa yang mampu di antara kamu untuk
memberi manfaat kepada saudaranya maka hendaklah dilakukan.”
(Hadith riwayat Imam Muslim – Bab Istihbab al-Ruqyah min Al-Ain wa An
Namlah wal Hummah wal An Naqrah, Jld.9, m.s. 5905)

2.3. Dalam sejarah Islam memang wujud cara perubatan tertentu sepertimana yang
dilaksanakan oleh Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam dan para sahabat.
Selain daripada cara pengubatan biasa, mereka juga telah menggunakan doa-doa,
khusus bagi mengubati penyakit-penyakit sepertimana yang terdapat di dalam
buku-buku perubatan. Walau bagaimanapun, mereka tidak menggunakan kaedah
atau kepercayaan seperti yang difahami oleh sesetengah pihak yang tidak
dikehendaki syarak seperti dengan memanggil roh datuk nenek, roh wali-wali,
syeikh-syeikh dan khadam-khadam tertentu. Oleh itu, kita dibolehkan untuk
melakukan jampi kepada diri, kaum keluarga atau orang lain yang ditimpa
kesusahan, kerana jampi merupakan doa perlindungan berdasarkan syarak. Jika
lain daripada itu, perlu dilihat adakah ia berlawanan dengan syarak atau tidak.

2.4. Takrif

2.4.1. Bomoh, menurut Kamus Dewan ialah tabib kampung (yang mengubati
orang sakit dengan menggunakan tradisional atau cara kampung dan
jampi-jampi).
2.4.2. Dukun ialah orang yang mengubat orang sakit atau memberi ubat cara
kampung atau tradisional (dengan membaca jampi serapah dan
sebagainya) (Kamus Dewan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, KL. 1989, m.s.
297)
2.4.3. Pawang ialah:
i) Orang yang mempunyai kebolehan yang istimewa untuk
melakukan sesuatu (biasanya dengan menggunakan kuasa ghaib).
ii) Orang yang pandai mengubati orang sakit dan lain-lain (dengan
menggunakan jampi mentera dan lain-lain) (Kamus Dewan,
Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, KL, 1989 m.s. 920).
2.4.4. Takrif Kita:
Bomoh, dukun dan pawang biasanya dikaitkan dengan orang yang
mengubat menggunakan jampi yang bercanggah dengan Islam. Begitu
juga menggunakan khidmat jin ketika mengubat. Jampi ialah perlindungan
yang dijampi kepada seseorang yang mengidap sakit seperti demam,
pening dan lain-lain penyakit. Dalam bahasa Arab, jampi dikenali dengan
al-Ruqa atau al-Ruqyah.

2.5. Garis panduan pengamal perubatan ini mengandungi perkara-perkara berikut:
2.5.1. Asal usul Perubatan
2.5.2. Matlamat Perubatan
2.5.3. Syarat-syarat Perubatan
2.5.4. Mengenai Pengamal Perubatan
2.5.5. Ikrar dan Sumpah
2.5.6. Pantang Larang
2.5.7. Adab Semasa Perubatan
2.5.8. Pengamalan Perubatan
2.5.9. Bayaran Perkhidmatan Pengeras
2.5.10. Pengijazahan

3. GARIS PANDUAN PERUBATAN

3.1. Asal-Usul Perubatan

Setiap individu atau kumpulan itdak boleh mendakwa bahawa perubatannya
bersumber daripada Nabi Muhammad s.a.w. para anbia atau diambil dari al-Quran
dan hadith atau berasal dari amalan para sahabat Nabi s.a.w. atau lain-lain jika
tidak ada alasan yang kukuh berdasarkan nas al-Quran dan al-Hadith.

3.2. Matlamat Perubatan

3.2.1. Matlamat perubatan hendaklah matlamat yang baik seperti untuk kesihatan
tubuh badan, kerukunan hidup bermasyarakat dan berumahtangga.

3.2.2. Dilarang sama sekali untuk membalas dendam, membuat aniaya, menakutnakutkan,
mengugut orang lain dan lain-lain.

3.3.1. Bagi mempastikan perubatan tidak bercanggah dengan ajaran Islam
perkara berikut hendaklah dikenalpasti:

3.3. Syarat-syarat Perubatan
i) Tidak menggunakan bentuk amalan sihir, ilmu hitam, tilik tenung, tukang
nujum, ramalan tapak tangan dan silap mata.
ii) Tidak boleh mengaitkan sesuatu pengeras dengan suatu akibat.
iii) Tidak boleh percaya kepada sial dan mudarat yang menimpa seseorang
atau diri.
iv) Tidak boleh melakukan perkara-perkara yang berunsur syirik seperti
semah pantai, sembelihan binatang, buang ancak dan lain-lain.
v) Tidak boleh menyembelih binatang untuk sesuatu tujuan yang bukan
syar’i.
vi) Tidak boleh melakukan perbomohan atau bacaan tertentu yang
menggunakan unsur-unsur meminta izin atau bantuan dari kuasa-kuasa
makhluk “ghaib” dalam acara perbomohan.
vii) Tidak boleh menyajikan makanan untuk menjamu penunggu.
viii) Tidak boleh mentaati pengaml perubatan atau seseorang pada perkaraperkara
yang jelas bercanggah dengan aqidah dan syariat Islam.
ix) Menolak sebarang syarat yang diberikan yang bertentangan dengan
aqidah, syariah dan akhlak Islam.

3.4. Mengenai Pengamal Perubatan

3.4.1. Pengamal perubatan hendaklah beragama Islam, aqil dan baligh
serta mengetahui apa yang diucapkannya.

3.4.2. Tidak melakukan perkara-perkara yang boleh membawa syirik,
sama ada melalui iktikad, perkataan atau perbuatan.

3.4.3. Tidak meninggalkan ibadat-ibadat wajib dalam Islam seperti
sembahyang fardhu, puasa dan zakat.

3.4.4. Tidak melakukan maksiat, jenayah dan dosa.

3.4.5. Tidak memecahbelahkan masyarakat dan keluarga.

3.4.6. Tidak mentafsir ajaran agama islam mengikut hawa nafsu.

3.4.7. Tidak memasukkan atau menggunakan unsur-unsur yang
bercanggah dengan islam seperti sihir, ilmu hitam dan menurun
kerana pengamalnya termasuk dalam kategori penyeru iblis dan
syaitan dengan ucapan-ucapan yang tidak wajar atau boleh
membawa kepada kufur dan syirik.

3.4.8. Tidak boleh bersahabat dengan makhluk ghaib seperti jin dengan
tujuan mendapat pertolongan dalam perkara yang ditegah oleh
syarak walaupun dikatakan dengan jin Islam kerana kita tidak tahu
sama ada betul Islam atau tidak.

3.4.9. Tidak boleh meminta pertolongan jin dalam rawatan perubatan
sehingga membawa kepada syirik kerana dibimbangi wujud unsur
menafikan kudarat Allah.

3.4.10. Tidak harus meminta pertolongan jin untuk mencari kekuatan dan
kehebatan kerana dibimbangi wujud keyakinan bahawa makhlukmakhluk
ini mempunyai kuasa yang sama dengan Allah atau
mengurangkan keyakinan kepada kuasa Allah semata-mata.

3.4.11. Tidak harus meminta dan menggunakan khidmat jin untuk ilmu
sihir atau nujum atau ‘menurun’ kerana ia termasuk dalam amalan
syirik atau dilarang oleh Allah dan boleh merosakkan aqidah orang
yang terlibat dengnanya.

3.4.12. Tidak boleh melakukan ramalan tentang buruk atau baik pada
masa akan datang dan tidak harus menyatakan pada ramalan yang
telah lalu dengan cara tenung dan lain-lain.

3.4.13. Hendaklah mengikhlaskan hati dengan amalan, semata-mata
mencari keredhaan Allah S.W.T.

3.4.14. Hendaklah sentiasa bertaqwa kepada Allah. Kerana Allah sahaja
yang memberi kebaikan dan pertolongan.

3.5. Ikrar Sumpah Dan Taat Setia

3.5.1. Sumpah tidak dibolehkan semasa perubatan, hanya ikrar saja boleh
digunakan mengikut kesesuaian.

3.5.2. Pengamal perubatan tidak boleh taat secara membuta tuli kepada
pengamal perubatan. Mereka boleh mengikut suruhan pengamal
perubatan tertentu selama tidak bercanggah dengan hukum syarak.

3.5.3. Bacaan-bacaan, amalan dan ikrar yang terdapat di dalam
pengakuan ikrar hendaklah tidak mengandungi perkara-perkara
yang bercanggah dengan aqidah dan syariat Islam seperti memuja
dewa atau nama berhala.

3.5.4. Di dalam upacara ikrar sama ada dari segi fizikal atau mental
hendaklah tidak mempunyai unsur-unsur yang mensyirikkan Allah
dan menjatuhkan maruah seseorang sebagai orang Islam.

3.6. Pantang Larang

3.6.1. Tidak boleh dikaitkan dengan pantang larang sesuatu unsur pemujaan,
meminta izin, perlindungan atau bantuan daripada makhluk-makhluk
ghaib seperti hantu, jin, penunggu atau orang halus dan sebagainya.

3.6.2. Tidak boleh memenuhi kehendak pantang larang pengamal perubatan
sehingga melakukan perkara-perkara yang ditegah di dalam Islam seperti
meninggalkan tanggungjawab sebagai suami atau isteri, membuka aurat,
bersunyian antara pesakit yang lain jantina dengan pengamal perubatan
sahaja dan sebagainya.

3.6.3. Perkara-perkara yang harus dan halal dalam syariat Islam tidak boleh
dihukumkan haram atau sebaliknya.

3.6.4. Tidak menurut apa-apa pendapat pengamal perubatan yang bertentangan
dengan apa juga perkara yang berhubung dengan aqidah, syariah dan
akhlak Islam.

3.7. Adab Semasa Perubatan

3.7.1. Tidak mendakwa perkara-perkara yang ghaib.

3.7.2. Pengamal perubatan tidak boleh takbur dan tidak boleh menganggap
orang lain lemah dan lekeh.

3.7.3. Pengamal Perubatan hendaklah melarang pesakitnya memuja, mengagung
dan taksub kepadanya.

3.7.4. Pengamal perubatan hendaklah mengikut adab sopan dan tatatertib Islam
ketika menolong seseorang sama ada bersendirian atau bersama pesakit.

3.7.5. Hendaklah menjaga kesopanan susila adab sebagai orang Islam.

3.8. Pengamalan Pengamal Perubatan

3.8.1. Perubatan tidak boleh dikaitkan dengan zat Allah dan sifat-sifat-Nya atau
merupakan maksud di sebalik kalimah atau nama-nama Allah atau sifatsifat-
Nya seperti mengatakan ilmu pengamal perubatan itu diterima terus
daripada Allah atau kudratnya adalah kudrat Allah atau melalui mimpi
berjumpa wali, malaikat atau lainnya.

3.8.2. Pengamalan pengamal perubatan tidak boleh diertikan sebagai maksud
yang tersirat daripada diri atau jasad dan roh Rasulullah s.a.w., para
malaikat, nabi-nabi dan orang soleh seperti Nur Muhammad menjelma ke
dalam diri dan sebagainya.

3.8.3. Tidak boleh memuja dan memperhambakan diri kepada sesuatu kuasa atau
peribadi yang dipercayai boleh mendatangkan nasib baik atau buruk
kepada seseorang seperti wali syeikh, rijalul ghaib, roh datuk nenek,
sahabat, hantu, dewa, keramat, kubur, keris, busur, batu, kayu, cincin, kain
kuning atau putih dan lain-lain.

3.8.4. Tidak boleh menggunakan tangkal dan azimat yang mengandungi rajahrajah
atau tulisan-tulisan yang tidak difahami seperti objek-objek tertentu
dan bercampuraduk dengan ayat al-Quran dan jangan menganggapkan
tangkal mempunyai kuasa.

3.8.5. Penggunaan jampi dibolehkan dan digunakan dengan syarat:
i) menggunakan ayat al-Quran
ii) menggunakan bahasa yang difahami
iii) jangan mengiktikadkan bahawa jampi itu yang memberi kesan
sehingga si pesakit menjadi sembuh, sebaliknya Allah yang berkuasa.

3.8.6. Tidak boleh mengamalkan bacaan-bacaan tertentu yang tidak difahami
maknanya dikhuatiri mengandungi kata-kata pemujaan kepada berhala,
iblis, syaitan atau nama berhala orang kafir serta bercampur aduk dengan
ayat al-Quran.

3.8.7. Tidak boleh membaca mana-mana ayat al-Quran secara songsang, seperti
Qul Huwallah dan lain-lain.

3.8.8. Tidak boleh menggunakan Kitab al-Quran secara tidak wajar menurut
syarat seperti menggantung al-Quran dan tunggu berpusing atau tidak
untuk dijadikan alasan tertentu jika berpusing begini dan jika tidak, begini
pula maksudnya. Semuanya ini termasuk menghina al-Quran (Istihza’).

3.8.9. Tidak boleh meninggalkan ibadat-ibadat wajib yang dituntut di dalam

Islam seperti sembahyang lima waktu dan puasa di bulan Ramadan ketika
melakukan amalan perubatan.

3.8.10. Tidak boleh mengguna perbuatan ‘menurun’, memanggil roh orang mati
atau sebagainya dalam kaedah perubatan.

3.9. Bayaran Perkhidmatan/Pengeras

3.9.1. Sebarang pengeras tidak boleh digunakan dalam perubatan jika ia
dikaitkan dengan untung nasib, buruk atau baik.

3.9.2. Bayaran perkhimatan hanya dibolehkan mengikut kesesuaian perubatan
dengan tidak terlampau tinggi hingga boleh memberatkan atau menindas
dan tidak membawa maksud tolong-menolong.

3.10. Pengijazahan

3.10.1 Tidak boleh melakukan upacara-upacara yang mengandungi unsur-unsur
penyembahan, pemujaan, memohon bantuan atau memperhambakan diri
kepada kuasa-kuasa atau tenaga-tenaga ghaib seperti mempersembah
sedulang makanan, menyembelih ayam dan sebagainya.

4. PENUTUP

Dengan mengikuti penjelasan ini diharapkan para pengamal ilmu perubatan dapat
menghindarkan diri daripada ajaran

Top Ten Myths about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict


by Jeremy R. Hammond

June 17, 2010

Myth #1 – Jews and Arabs have always been in conflict in the region.

Although Arabs were a majority in Palestine prior to the creation of the state of Israel, there had always been a Jewish population, as well. For the most part, Jewish Palestinians got along with their Arab neighbors. This began to change with the onset of the Zionist movement, because the Zionists rejected the right of the Palestinians to self-determination and wanted Palestine for their own, to create a “Jewish State” in a region where Arabs were the majority and owned most of the land.
For instance, after a series of riots in Jaffa in 1921 resulting in the deaths of 47 Jews and 48 Arabs, the occupying British held a commission of inquiry, which reported their finding that “there is no inherent anti-Semitism in the country, racial or religious.” Rather, Arab attacks on Jewish communities were the result of Arab fears about the stated goal of the Zionists to take over the land.
After major violence again erupted in 1929, the British Shaw Commission report noted that “In less than 10 years three serious attacks have been made by Arabs on Jews. For 80 years before the first of these attacks there is no recorded instance of any similar incidents.” Representatives from all sides of the emerging conflict testified to the commission that prior to the First World War, “the Jews and Arabs lived side by side if not in amity, at least with tolerance, a quality which today is almost unknown in Palestine.” The problem was that “The Arab people of Palestine are today united in their demand for representative government”, but were being denied that right by the Zionists and their British benefactors.
The British Hope-Simpson report of 1930 similarly noted that Jewish residents of non-Zionist communities in Palestine enjoyed friendship with their Arab neighbors. “It is quite a common sight to see an Arab sitting in the verandah of a Jewish house”, the report noted. “The position is entirely different in the Zionist colonies.”

Myth #2 – The United Nations created Israel.

The U.N. became involved when the British sought to wash its hands of the volatile situation its policies had helped to create, and to extricate itself from Palestine. To that end, they requested that the U.N. take up the matter.
As a result, a U.N. Special Commission on Palestine (UNSCOP) was created to examine the issue and offer its recommendation on how to resolve the conflict. UNSCOP contained no representatives from any Arab country and in the end issued a report that explicitly rejected the right of the Palestinians to self-determination. Rejecting the democratic solution to the conflict, UNSCOP instead proposed that Palestine be partitioned into two states: one Arab and one Jewish.
The U.N. General Assembly endorsed UNSCOP’s in its Resolution 181. It is often claimed that this resolution “partitioned” Palestine, or that it provided Zionist leaders with a legal mandate for their subsequent declaration of the existence of the state of Israel, or some other similar variation on the theme. All such claims are absolutely false.
Resolution 181 merely endorsed UNSCOP’s report and conclusions as a recommendation. Needless to say, for Palestine to have been officially partitioned, this recommendation would have had to have been accepted by both Jews and Arabs, which it was not.
Moreover, General Assembly resolutions are not considered legally binding (only Security Council resolutions are). And, furthermore, the U.N. would have had no authority to take land from one people and hand it over to another, and any such resolution seeking to so partition Palestine would have been null and void, anyway.

Myth #3 – The Arabs missed an opportunity to have their own state in 1947.

The U.N. recommendation to partition Palestine was rejected by the Arabs. Many commentators today point to this rejection as constituting a missed “opportunity” for the Arabs to have had their own state. But characterizing this as an “opportunity” for the Arabs is patently ridiculous. The Partition plan was in no way, shape, or form an “opportunity” for the Arabs.
First of all, as already noted, Arabs were a large majority in Palestine at the time, with Jews making up about a third of the population by then, due to massive immigration of Jews from Europe (in 1922, by contrast, a British census showed that Jews represented only about 11 percent of the population).
Additionally, land ownership statistics from 1945 showed that Arabs owned more land than Jews in every single district of Palestine, including Jaffa, where Arabs owned 47 percent of the land while Jews owned 39 percent – and Jaffa boasted the highest percentage of Jewish-owned land of any district. In other districts, Arabs owned an even larger portion of the land. At the extreme other end, for instance, in Ramallah, Arabs owned 99 percent of the land. In the whole of Palestine, Arabs owned 85 percent of the land, while Jews owned less than 7 percent, which remained the case up until the time of Israel’s creation.
Yet, despite these facts, the U.N. partition recommendation had called for more than half of the land of Palestine to be given to the Zionists for their “Jewish State”. The truth is that no Arab could be reasonably expected to accept such an unjust proposal. For political commentators today to describe the Arabs’ refusal to accept a recommendation that their land be taken away from them, premised upon the explicit rejection of their right to self-determination, as a “missed opportunity” represents either an astounding ignorance of the roots of the conflict or an unwillingness to look honestly at its history.
It should also be noted that the partition plan was also rejected by many Zionist leaders. Among those who supported the idea, which included David Ben-Gurion, their reasoning was that this would be a pragmatic step towards their goal of acquiring the whole of Palestine for a “Jewish State” – something which could be finally accomplished later through force of arms.
When the idea of partition was first raised years earlier, for instance, Ben-Gurion had written that “after we become a strong force, as the result of the creation of a state, we shall abolish partition and expand to the whole of Palestine”. Partition should be accepted, he argued, “to prepare the ground for our expansion into the whole of Palestine”. The Jewish State would then “have to preserve order”, if the Arabs would not acquiesce, “by machine guns, if necessary.”

Myth #4 – Israel has a “right to exist”.

The fact that this term is used exclusively with regard to Israel is instructive as to its legitimacy, as is the fact that the demand is placed upon Palestinians to recognize Israel’s “right to exist”, while no similar demand is placed upon Israelis to recognize the “right to exist” of a Palestinian state.
Nations don’t have rights, people do. The proper framework for discussion is within that of the right of all peoples to self-determination. Seen in this, the proper framework, it is an elementary observation that it is not the Arabs which have denied Jews that right, but the Jews which have denied that right to the Arabs. The terminology of Israel’s “right to exist” is constantly employed to obfuscate that fact.
As already noted, Israel was not created by the U.N., but came into being on May 14, 1948, when the Zionist leadership unilaterally, and with no legal authority, declared Israel’s existence, with no specification as to the extent of the new state’s borders. In a moment, the Zionists had declared that Arabs no longer the owners of their land – it now belonged to the Jews. In an instant, the Zionists had declared that the majority Arabs of Palestine were now second-class citizens in the new “Jewish State”.
The Arabs, needless to say, did not passively accept this development, and neighboring Arab countries declared war on the Zionist regime in order to prevent such a grave injustice against the majority inhabitants of Palestine.
It must be emphasized that the Zionists had no right to most of the land they declared as part of Israel, while the Arabs did. This war, therefore, was not, as is commonly asserted in mainstream commentary, an act of aggression by the Arab states against Israel. Rather, the Arabs were acting in defense of their rights, to prevent the Zionists from illegally and unjustly taking over Arab lands and otherwise disenfranchising the Arab population. The act of aggression was the Zionist leadership’s unilateral declaration of the existence of Israel, and the Zionists’ use of violence to enforce their aims both prior to and subsequent to that declaration.
In the course of the war that ensued, Israel implemented a policy of ethnic cleansing. 700,000 Arab Palestinians were either forced from their homes or fled out of fear of further massacres, such as had occurred in the village of Deir Yassin shortly before the Zionist declaration. These Palestinians have never been allowed to return to their homes and land, despite it being internationally recognized and encoded in international law that such refugees have an inherent “right of return”.
Palestinians will never agree to the demand made of them by Israel and its main benefactor, the U.S., to recognize Israel’s “right to exist”. To do so is effectively to claim that Israel had a “right” to take Arab land, while Arabs had no right to their own land. It is effectively to claim that Israel had a “right” to ethnically cleanse Palestine, while Arabs had no right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in their own homes, on their own land.
The constant use of the term “right to exist” in discourse today serves one specific purpose: It is designed to obfuscate the reality that it is the Jews that have denied the Arab right to self-determination, and not vice versa, and to otherwise attempt to legitimize Israeli crimes against the Palestinians, both historical and contemporary.

Myth #5 – The Arab nations threatened Israel with annihilation in 1967 and 1973

The fact of the matter is that it was Israel that fired the first shot of the “Six Day War”. Early on the morning of June 5, Israel launched fighters in a surprise attack on Egypt (then the United Arab Republic), and successfully decimated the Egyptian air force while most of its planes were still on the ground.
It is virtually obligatory for this attack to be described by commentators today as “preemptive”. But to have been “preemptive”, by definition, there must have been an imminent threat of Egyptian aggression against Israel. Yet there was none.
It is commonly claimed that President Nasser’s bellicose rhetoric, blockade of the Straits of Tiran, movement of troops into the Sinai Peninsula, and expulsion of U.N. peacekeeping forces from its side of the border collectively constituted such an imminent threat.
Yet, both U.S. and Israeli intelligence assessed at the time that the likelihood Nasser would actually attack was low. The CIA assessed that Israel had overwhelming superiority in force of arms, and would, in the event of a war, defeat the Arab forces within two weeks; within a week if Israel attacked first, which is what actually occurred.
It must be kept in mind that Egypt had been the victim of aggression by the British, French, and Israelis in the 1956 “Suez Crisis”, following Egypt’s nationalization of the Suez Canal. In that war, the three aggressor nations conspired to wage war upon Egypt, which resulted in an Israeli occupation of the Sinai Peninsula. Under U.S. pressure, Israel withdrew from the Sinai in 1957, but Egypt had not forgotten the Israeli aggression.
Moreover, Egypt had formed a loose alliance with Syria and Jordan, with each pledging to come to the aid of the others in the event of a war with Israel. Jordan had criticized Nasser for not living up to that pledge after the Israeli attack on West Bank village of Samu the year before, and his rhetoric was a transparent attempt to regain face in the Arab world.
That Nasser’s positioning was defensive, rather than projecting an intention to wage an offensive against Israel, was well recognized among prominent Israelis. As Avraham Sela of the Shalem Center has observed, “The Egyptian buildup in Sinai lacked a clear offensive plan, and Nasser’s defensive instructions explicitly assumed an Israeli first strike.”
Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin acknowledged that “In June 1967, we again had a choice. The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him.”
Yitzhak Rabin, who would also later become Prime Minister of Israel, admitted in 1968 that “I do not think Nasser wanted war. The two divisions he sent to the Sinai would not have been sufficient to launch an offensive war. He knew it and we knew it.”
Israelis have also acknowledged that their own rhetoric at the time about the “threat” of “annihilation” from the Arab states was pure propaganda.
General Chaim Herzog, commanding general and first military governor of the occupied West Bank following the war, admitted that “There was no danger of annihilation. Israeli headquarters never believed in this danger.”
General Ezer Weizman similarly said, “There was never a danger of extermination. This hypothesis had never been considered in any serious meeting.”
Chief of Staff Haim Bar-Lev acknowledged, “We were not threatened with genocide on the eve of the Six-Day War, and we had never thought of such possibility.”
Israeli Minister of Housing Mordechai Bentov has also acknowledged that “The entire story of the danger of extermination was invented in every detail, and exaggerated a posteriori to justify the annexation of new Arab territory.”
In 1973, in what Israelis call the “Yom Kippur War”, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise offensive to retake the Sinai and the Golan Heights, respectively. This joint action is popularly described in contemporaneous accounts as an “invasion” of or act of “aggression” against Israel.
Yet, as already noted, following the June ’67 war, the U.N. Security Council passed resolution 242 calling upon Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories. Israel, needless to say, refused to do so and has remained in perpetual violation of international law ever since.
During the 1973 war, Egypt and Syria thus “invaded” their own territory, then under illegal occupation by Israel. The corollary of the description of this war as an act of Arab aggression implicitly assumes that the Sinai Peninsula, Golan Heights, West Bank, and Gaza Strip were Israeli territory. This is, needless to say, a grossly false assumption that demonstrates the absolutely prejudicial and biased nature of mainstream commentary when it comes to the Israeli-Arab conflict.
This false narrative fits in with the larger overall narrative, equally fallacious, of Israeli as the “victim” of Arab intransigence and aggression. This narrative, largely unquestioned in the West, flips reality on its head.

Myth #6 – U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 called only for a partial Israeli withdrawal.

Resolution 242 was passed in the wake of the June ’67 war and called for the “Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.” While the above argument enjoys widespread popularity, it has no merit whatsoever.
The central thesis of this argument is that the absence of the word “the” before “occupied territories” in that clause means not “all of the occupied territories” were intended. Essentially, this argument rests upon the ridiculous logic that because the word “the” was omitted from the clause, we may therefore understand this to mean that “some of the occupied territories” was the intended meaning.
Grammatically, the absence of the word “the” has no effect on the meaning of this clause, which refers to “territories”, plural. A simple litmus test question is: Is it territory that was occupied by Israel in the ’67 war? If yes, then, under international law and Resolution 242, Israel is required to withdraw from that territory. Such territories include the Syrian Golan Heights, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip.
The French version of the resolution, equally authentic as the English, contains the definite article, and a majority of the members of the Security Council made clear during deliberations that their understanding of the resolution was that it would require Israel to fully withdraw from all occupied territories.
Additionally, it is impossible to reconcile with the principle of international law cited in the preamble to the resolution, of “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”. To say that the U.N. intended that Israel could retain some of the territory it occupied during the war would fly in the face of this cited principle.
One could go on to address various other logical fallacies associated with this frivolous argument, but as it is absurd on its face, it would be superfluous to do so.

Myth #7 – Israeli military action against its neighbors is only taken to defend itself against terrorism.

The facts tell another story. Take, for instance, the devastating 1982 Israeli war on Lebanon. As political analyst Noam Chomsky extensively documents in his epic analysis “The Fateful Triangle”, this military offensive was carried out with barely even the thinnest veil of a pretext.
While one may read contemporary accounts insisting this war was fought in response to a constant shelling of northern Israeli by the PLO, then based in Lebanon, the truth is that, despite continuous Israeli provocations, the PLO had with only a few exceptions abided by a cease-fire that had been in place. Moreover, in each of those instances, it was Israel that had first violated the cease-fire.
Among the Israeli provocations, throughout early 1982, it attacked and sank Lebanese fishing boats and otherwise committed hundreds of violations of Lebanese territorial waters. It committed thousands of violations of Lebanese airspace, yet never did manage to provoke the PLO response it sought to serve as the casus belli for the planned invasion of Lebanon.
On May 9, Israel bombed Lebanon, an act that was finally met with a PLO response when it launched rocket and artillery fire into Israel.
Then a terrorist group headed by Abu Nidal attempted to assassinate Israeli Ambassador Shlomo Argov in London. Although the PLO itself had been at war with Abu Nidal, who had been condemned to death by a Fatah military tribunal in 1973, and despite the fact that Abu Nidal was not based in Lebanon, Israel cited this event as a pretext to bomb the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, killing 200 Palestinians. The PLO responded by shelling settlements in northern Israel. Yet Israel did not manage to provoke the kind of larger-scale response it was looking to use as a casus belli for its planned invasion.
As Israeli scholar Yehoshua Porath has suggested, Israel’s decision to invade Lebanon, far from being a response to PLO attacks, rather “flowed from the very fact that the cease-fire had been observed”. Writing in the Israeli daily Haaretz, Porath assessed that “The government’s hope is that the stricken PLO, lacking a logistic and territorial base, will return to its earlier terrorism…. In this way, the PLO will lose part of the political legitimacy that it has gained … undercutting the danger that elements will develop among the Palestinians that might become a legitimate negotiating partner for future political accommodations.”
As another example, take Israel’s Operation Cast Lead from December 27, 2008 to January 18, 2009. Prior to Israel’s assault on the besieged and defenseless population of the Gaza Strip, Israel had entered into a cease-fire agreement with the governing authority there, Hamas. Contrary to popular myth, it was Israel, not Hamas, who ended the cease-fire.
The pretext for Operation Cast Lead is obligatorily described in Western media accounts as being the “thousands” of rockets that Hamas had been firing into Israel prior to the offensive, in violation of the cease-fire.
The truth is that from the start of the cease-fire in June until November 4, Hamas fired no rockets, despite numerous provocations from Israel, including stepped-up operations in the West Bank and Israeli soldiers taking pop-shots at Gazans across the border, resulting in several injuries and at least one death.
On November 4, it was again Israel who violated the cease-fire, with airstrikes and a ground invasion of Gaza that resulted in further deaths. Hamas finally responded with rocket fire, and from that point on the cease-fire was effectively over, with daily tit-for-tat attacks from both sides.
Despite Israel’s lack of good faith, Hamas offered to renew the cease-fire from the time it was set to officially expire in December. Israel rejected the offer, preferring instead to inflict violent collective punishment on the people of Gaza.
As the Israeli Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center noted, the truce “brought relative quiet to the western Negev population”, with 329 rocket and mortar attacks, “most of them during the month and a half after November 4″, when Israel had violated and effectively ended the truce. This stands in remarkable contrast to the 2,278 rocket and mortar attacks in the six months prior to the truce. Until November 4, the center also observed, “Hamas was careful to maintain the ceasefire.”
If Israel had desired to continue to mitigate the threat of Palestinian militant rocket attacks, it would have simply not ended the cease-fire, which was very highly effective in reducing the number of such attacks, including eliminating all such attacks by Hamas. It would not have instead resorted to violence, predictably resulting in a greatly escalated threat of retaliatory rocket and mortar attacks from Palestinian militant groups.
Moreover, even if Israel could claim that peaceful means had been exhausted and that a resort military force to act in self-defense to defend its civilian population was necessary, that is demonstrably not what occurred. Instead, Israel deliberately targeted the civilian population of Gaza with systematic and deliberate disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks on residential areas, hospitals, schools, and other locations with protected civilian status under international law.
As the respected international jurist who headed up the United Nations investigation into the assault, Richard Goldstone, has observed, the means by which Israel carried out Operation Cast Lead were not consistent with its stated aims, but was rather more indicative of a deliberate act of collective punishment of the civilian population.

Myth #8 – God gave the land to the Jews, so the Arabs are the occupiers.

No amount of discussion of the facts on the ground will ever convince many Jews and Christians that Israel could ever do wrong, because they view its actions as having the hand of God behind it, and that its policies are in fact the will of God. They believe that God gave the land of Palestine, including the West Bank and Gaza Strip, to the Jewish people, and therefore Israel has a “right” to take it by force from the Palestinians, who, in this view, are the wrongful occupiers of the land.
But one may simply turn to the pages of their own holy books to demonstrate the fallaciousness of this or similar beliefs. Christian Zionists are fond of quoting passages from the Bible such as the following to support their Zionist beliefs:
“And Yahweh said to Abram, after Lot had separated from him: ‘Lift your eyes now and look from the place where you are – northward, southward, eastward, and westward; for all the land which you see I give to you and your descendants forever. And I will make your descendants as the dust of the earth; so that if a man could number the dust of the earth, then your descendants could also be numbered. Arise, walk in the land through its length and its width, for I give it to you.” (Genesis 13:14-17)
“Then Yahweh appeared to him and said: ‘Do not go down to Egypt; live in the land of which I shall tell you. Dwell in the land, and I will be with you and bless you; for to you and your descendants I give all these lands, and I will perform the oath which I swore to Abraham your father.” (Genesis 26: 1-3)
“And behold, Yahweh stood above it and said: ‘I am Yahweh, God of Abraham your father, and the God of Isaac; the land on which you lie I will give to you and your descendants.” (Genesis 28:13)
Yet Christian Zionists conveniently disregard other passages providing further context for understanding this covenant, such as the following:
“You shall therefore keep all My statutes and all My judgments, and perform them, that the land where I am bringing you to dwell may not vomit you out.” (Leviticus 20:22)
“But if you do not obey Me, and do not observe all these commandments … but break My covenant … I will bring the land to desolation, and your enemies who dwell in it shall be astonished at it. I will scatter you among the nations and draw out a sword after you; your land shall be desolate and your cities waste … You shall perish among the nations, and the land of your enemies shall eat you up.” (Leviticus 26: 14, 15, 32-33, 28)
“Therefore Yahweh was very angry with Israel, and removed them from His sight; there was none left but the tribe of Judah alone…. So Israel was carried away from their own land to Assyria, as it is to this day.” (2 Kings 17:18, 23)
“And I said, after [Israel] had done all these things, ‘Return to Me.’ But she did not return. And her treacherous sister Judah saw it. Then I saw that for all the causes for which backsliding Israel had committed adultery, I had put her away and given her a certificate of divorce; yet her treacherous sister Judah did not fear, but went and played the harlot also.” (Jeremiah 3: 7-8)
Yes, in the Bible, Yahweh, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, told the Hebrews that the land could be theirs – if they would obey his commandments. Yet, as the Bible tells the story, the Hebrews were rebellious against Yahweh in all their generations.
What Jewish and Christian Zionists omit from their Biblical arguments in favor of continued Israel occupation is that Yahweh also told the Hebrews, including the tribe of Judah (from whom the “Jews” are descended), that he would remove them from the land if they broke the covenant by rebelling against his commandments, which is precisely what occurs in the Bible.
Thus, the theological argument for Zionism is not only bunk from a secular point of view, but is also a wholesale fabrication from a scriptural perspective, representing a continued rebelliousness against Yahweh and his Torah, and the teachings of Yeshua the Messiah (Jesus the Christ) in the New Testament.

Myth #9 – Palestinians reject the two-state solution because they want to destroy Israel.

In an enormous concession to Israel, Palestinians have long accepted the two-state solution. The elected representatives of the Palestinian people in Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had since the 70s recognized the state of Israel and accepted the two-state solution to the conflict. Despite this, Western media continued through the 90s to report that the PLO rejected this solution and instead wanted to wipe Israel off the map.
The pattern has been repeated since Hamas was voted into power in the 2006 Palestinian elections. Although Hamas has for years accepted the reality of the state of Israel and demonstrated a willingness to accept a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip alongside Israel, it is virtually obligatory for Western mainstream media, even today, to report that Hamas rejects the two-state solution, that it instead seeks “to destroy Israel”.
In fact, in early 2004, shortly before he was assassinated by Israel, Hamas founder Sheik Ahmed Yassin said that Hamas could accept a Palestinian state alongside Israel. Hamas has since repeatedly reiterated its willingness to accept a two-state solution.
In early 2005, Hamas issued a document stating its goal of seeking a Palestinian state alongside Israel and recognizing the 1967 borders.
The exiled head of the political bureau of Hamas, Khalid Mish’al, wrote in the London Guardian in January 2006 that Hamas was “ready to make a just peace”. He wrote that “We shall never recognize the right of any power to rob us of our land and deny us our national rights…. But if you are willing to accept the principle of a long-term truce, we are prepared to negotiate the terms.”
During the campaigning for the 2006 elections, the top Hamas official in Gaza, Mahmoud al-Zahar said that Hamas was ready to “accept to establish our independent state on the area occupied [in] ’67″, a tacit recognition of the state of Israel.
The elected prime minister from Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, said in February 2006 that Hamas accepted “the establishment of a Palestinian state” within the “1967 borders”.
In April 2008, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter met with Hamas officials and afterward stated that Hamas “would accept a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders” and would “accept the right of Israel to live as a neighbor next door in peace”. It was Hamas’ “ultimate goal to see Israel living in their allocated borders, the 1967 borders, and a contiguous, vital Palestinian state alongside.”
That same month Hamas leader Meshal said, “We have offered a truce if Israel withdraws to the 1967 borders, a truce of 10 years as a proof of recognition.”
In 2009, Meshal said that Hamas “has accepted a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders”.
Hamas’ shift in policy away from total rejection of the existence of the state of Israel towards acceptance of the international consensus on a two-state solution to the conflict is in no small part a reflection of the will of the Palestinian public. A public opinion survey from April of last year, for instance, found that three out of four Palestinians were willing to accept a two-state solution.

Myth #10 – The U.S. is an honest broker and has sought to bring about peace in the Middle East.

Rhetoric aside, the U.S. supports Israel’s policies, including its illegal occupation and other violations of international humanitarian law. It supports Israel’s criminal policies financially, militarily, and diplomatically.
The Obama administration, for example, stated publically that it was opposed to Israel’s settlement policy and ostensibly “pressured” Israel to freeze colonization activities. Yet very early on, the administration announced that it would not cut back financial or military aid to Israel, even if it defied international law and continued settlement construction. That message was perfectly well understood by the Netanyahu government in Israel, which continued its colonization policies.
To cite another straightforward example, both the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate passed resolutions openly declaring support for Israel’s Operation Cast Lead, despite a constant stream of reports evidencing Israeli war crimes.
On the day the U.S. Senate passed its resolution “reaffirming the United States’ strong support for Israel in its battle with Hamas” (January 8, 2009), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued a statement demanding that Israel allow it to assist victims of the conflict because the Israeli military had blocked access to wounded Palestinians – a war crime under international law.
That same day, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon issued a statement condemning Israel for firing on a U.N. aid convoy delivering humanitarian supplies to Gaza and for the killing of two U.N. staff members – both further war crimes.
On the day that the House passed its own version of the resolution, the U.N. announced that it had had to stop humanitarian work in Gaza because of numerous incidents in which its staff, convoys, and installations, including clinics and schools, had come under Israeli attack.
U.S. financial support for Israel surpasses $3 billion annually. When Israel waged a war to punish the defenseless civilian population of Gaza, its pilots flew U.S.-made F-16 fighter-bombers and Apache helicopter gunships, dropping U.S.-made bombs, including the use of white phosphorus munitions in violation of international law.
U.S. diplomatic support for Israeli crimes includes its use of the veto power in the U.N. Security Council. When Israel was waging a devastating war against the civilian population and infrastructure of Lebanon in the summer of 2006, the U.S. vetoed a cease-fire resolution.
As Israel was waging Operation Cast Lead, the U.S. delayed the passage of a resolution calling for an end to the violence, and then abstained rather than criticize Israel once it finally allowed the resolution to be put to a vote.
When the U.N. Human Rights Council officially adopted the findings and recommendations of its investigation into war crimes during Operation Cast Lead, headed up by Richard Goldstone, the U.S. responded by announcing its intention to block any effort to have the Security Council similarly adopt its conclusions and recommendations. The U.S. Congress passed a resolution rejecting the Goldstone report because it found that Israel had committed war crimes.
Through its virtually unconditional support for Israel, the U.S. has effectively blocked any steps to implement the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The so-called “peace process” has for many decades consisted of U.S. and Israeli rejection Palestinian self-determination and blocking of any viable Palestinian state.